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Business. Nonfiction. HTML: A million-copy seller, Henry Hazlitt's Economics in One Lesson is a classic economic primer. But it is also much more, having become a fundamental influence on modern "libertarian" economics of the type espoused by Ron Paul and others. Called by H. L. Mencken "one of the few economists in history who could really write," Henry Hazlitt achieved lasting fame for this brilliant but concise work. In it, he explains basic truths about economics and the economic fallacies responsible for unemployment, inflation, high taxes, and recession, as well as illustrating the destructive effects of taxes, rent and price controls, inflation, trade restrictions, and minimum-wage laws. Economics in One Lesson is deceptively prescient and far-reaching in its efforts to dissemble economic fallacies that are so prevalent they have almost become a new orthodoxy. Many current economic commentators across the political spectrum have credited Hazlitt with foreseeing the collapse of the global economy, which occurred more than fifty years after the initial publication of this seminal work. Hazlitt's focus on non-governmental solutions, strong�??and strongly reasoned�??antideficit position, and general emphasis on free markets, economic liberty of individuals, and the dangers of government intervention make Economics in One Lesson every bit as relevant and valuable today as it has been since publication… (more)
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The book comes in at 198 pages but ‘The Lesson’ is literally only the first five pages. The lesson summarized is this:
“The art of economics consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups” (p. 5)
Ignoring this principle creates 90% of the economic fallacies in the world today according to Hazlitt. He calls this primary fallacy the fallacy of ignoring secondary consequences and it is more rampant today than it was at the time of the book’s first writing.
The remainder of the book is a series of examples of economic fallacies, all of which can be traced to ignoring ‘the lesson’ and all of which are more or less considered orthodoxy by the economic establishment today.
The first of these is: “War stimulates an economy and is good for business.” Hazlitt calls this the “fallacy of the broken window” the idea that because something has been destroyed (by war or whatever) it must needs be replaced, thereby stimulating the economy. He illustrates this with a parable where someone throws a brick through a shopkeeper’s front widow. Of course this ‘stimulates’ the business of the man who will be hired to replace the window. Unfortunately, this is as far as most economic analysis goes: the glass repair shop gets new business, may need to hire more people because of the extra work, ipso facto the economy benefits. However, this is a bit like looking at only one side of an algebraic equation. We’re forgetting ‘the lesson’ that we cannot overlook the effects on more than just this one group of people. True, Hazlitt would say, the glass repair shop gets more business. However, the shopkeeper must pay for a new window that he would not otherwise have had to pay for. This reduces his disposable income so that he spends less with other merchants than he would have had the window not been broken. The result is, though the glass repair shop may hire an extra man as a result of the broken window, the tailor the shopkeeper uses may have to lay a man off because the shopkeeper cannot now afford to purchase the new suit he was planning to buy. Net effect to the economy – zero. Though this is a very simplistic example (even Hazlitt would admit as much) the underlying principle is true and is violated by virtually every economic policy in place today.
Some of the other examples highlighted in the book which violate ‘the lesson’ are:
C Government secured loans
C Government price supports for farm products (or other things)
C Rent control
C Minimum wage laws
C Tariffs
In each of these cases, one or both of the principles from ‘the lesson’ is violated. Either future consequences of the action is ignored or consequences to other groups is ignored or both. In fact, Hazlitt points out several times that failure to consider other than the immediate consequences of these actions often negatively impacts the very people the action was intended to help!
Take for example rent control. The stated goal of this kind of policy is always to help lower income people afford housing. As a result, rent control often does not apply to so-called luxury housing or apartments, since after all, those people can ‘afford it’. The result is that people who might otherwise invest in more affordable housing do not for fear of having their investment regulated by the government to the extent that they cannot profit from it. Instead they build ‘luxury’ housing, if they build anything at all, that will be exempt from government control, thereby reducing the number of housing units available to the very people the government was trying to help. Another long term consequence of rent control is that at some point the controlled rents will not be enough for the property owner to continue to afford to keep up the property the way he might otherwise be able to, again, negatively impacting the people who live in the rent controlled properties, the very people the policy was intended to benefit.
I could go on with example after example.
This is by far the best book on economics I’ve ever read. It is nothing like a dry economics textbook and is very readable and clear. It is, in fact the readability of Hazlitt and the clarity of the principles he discusses that leads me to believe that most economic policies are driven, not by economics per se but by the political motives of the theorists and those who implement their schemes. This is a fact alluded to by Hazlitt as well.
In my opinion, this book should be required reading from the High School level on up as well as for anyone even remotely involved in state or federal government. I would suggest that it be required reading for every member of congress as well but they normally don’t like to be confused with the facts so that may be a pointless exercise. However, for those who view economics as a method of maximizing the quality of life for the average citizen rather than as a way to buy votes for themselves, this book will be a breath of fresh air.
The book is not without its flaws. In my opinion, the chapter about the price system should have come much earlier than it did, since the price system is crucial to a true understanding of many of the issues he mentions in the preceding chapters. Also, a small glossary would have been helpful. Nothing major is required, but slightly in-depth definitions of capital, inflation, credit, and liquid funds -among others- would have been helpful. I had to reread chapters unnecessarily to try and deduce the meanings of several terms.
Still, it's nothing that a quick Wikipedia search can't remedy. In my copy, the binding is durable, the type is a pleasure to read, and the paper is very nicely textured. I don't usually mark up my books and when I do, I usually can't stand the way the paper feels; however, this paper is very easy on the fingers and pencil.
I was an ambivalent socialist before I read this; now, I'm a rabid Austrian. Get this book, and prepare to have your mind blown.
Taken from the Foreward.
After finishing this slim book, look for Bettina B Greaves 2-vol "Free Market Economics" from FEE (The Foundation for Economic Education).
Relating this to politics is not covered in this volume, so I'll add that the typical left-right dichotomy you're used to makes no sense: Left is communism (aka Intl socialism), right is fascism (aka Nat'l socialism), center is democracy (or if you know a little more, it's called Fabian socialism). Trouble is the whole spectrum is socialism. If the whole spectrum is socialism, the spectrum is meaningless.
A real left wing-right wing spectrum would be: Far left is total govt (dictatorships such as communism, fascism, ceasarism, pharaohism, etc). Near that left is democracy (aka mob rule, or as Thomas Jefferson exaggerated, The worst of all possible forms of government - because it's a variant of dictatorship, just less noticeable) . Far right would be anarchy (different degrees). Near that right would be limited government, including the Constitutional Republic of places such as George Washington's USA, or the government of the Medes and Persians.
To grasp the meaning of this left-right issue better, read Gary Allen's first two chapters of None Dare Call It Conspiracy.
I also didn't like the shallow treatment of prevalent economic ideas, which I found a bit intellectually dishonest.
However, the delivery was clear and the information was useful, so I enjoyed the
In general, I liked it, but I think it could be improved on.