Impeachment : an American history

by Jeffrey A. Engel

Hardcover, 2018





New York : Modern Library, 2018.


Four experts on the American presidency examine the three times impeachment has been invoked--against Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Bill Clinton--and explain what it means today. Impeachment is a double-edged sword. Though it was designed to check tyrants, Thomas Jefferson also called impeachment "the most formidable weapon for the purpose of a dominant faction that was ever contrived." On the one hand, it nullifies the will of voters, the basic foundation of all representative democracies. On the other, its absence from the Constitution would leave the country vulnerable to despotic leadership. It is rarely used, and with good reason. Only three times has a president's conduct led to such political disarray as to warrant his potential removal from office, transforming a political crisis into a constitutional one. None has yet succeeded. Andrew Johnson was impeached in 1868 for failing to kowtow to congressional leaders--and, in a large sense, for failing to be Abraham Lincoln--yet survived his Senate trial. Richard Nixon resigned in August 1974 after the House Judiciary Committee approved three articles of impeachment against him for lying, obstructing justice, and employing his executive power for personal and political gain. Bill Clinton had an affair with a White House intern, but in 1999 he faced trial in the Senate less for that prurient act than for lying under oath about it. In the first book to consider these three presidents alone--and the one thing they have in common--Jeffrey A. Engel, Jon Meacham, Timothy Naftali, and Peter Baker explain that the basis and process of impeachment is more political than legal. The Constitution states that the president "shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors," leaving room for historical precedent and the temperament of the time to weigh heavily on each case. This book reveals the complicated motives behind each impeachment--never entirely limited to the question of a president's guilt--and the risks to all sides. Each case depended on factors beyond the president's behavior: his relationship with Congress, the polarization of the moment, and the power and resilience of the office itself. This is a realist view of impeachment that looks to history for clues about its potential use in the future.… (more)

User reviews

LibraryThing member PuddinTame
The book doesn't discuss the present (05-2019) situation with Donald Trump, but the authors are aware that this is overhanging their analysis. I can remember both of the cases of Richard Nixon and Bill Clinton, but I have promised myself to limit personal observations and snarky comments.

Jeffrey A.
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Engel opens with a discussion of the process by which impeachment was included in the Constitution and the haggling over the words that were to describe grounds for impeachment. They saw that it was possible that Congress could use the process to eject a president they disagreed with as well as the need to be able to remove a president who was trying to become a tyrant or run a criminal enterprise. I think he is a touch too kind to Andrew Johnson.

Jon Meachem, Timothy Naftili, and Peter BakerJon Meachem, Timothy Naftili, and Peter Baker cover the cases of Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, and Bill Clinton, respectively. For the most part, I thought that they did an excellent job.

In the case of Johnson, I always thought the inclusion of Edmund G. Ross in Profiles in Courage was a trifle unfair since his vote wouldn't have mattered if six other Republicans hadn't also broken with their party, and none of them was ever re-elected to office. Johnson is a case in point that the vice-president isn't just a balancing factor on a ticket -- there are serious consequences if the president dies, as Lincoln shortly did. I had to keep reminding myself that the Supreme Court had not yet applied the Fourteenth Amendments to the states to accept that Johnson wasn't convicted. He is one of the few cases of a President who was never elected on his own; Gerald Ford, somewhat coincidentally, is another when he replaced Nixon. Both men, of course, were rejected at the next Presidential election, although Johnson was re-elected to the Senate in 1875, winning, as he did in the case of his impeachment, by one vote.
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