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Publication
Yale University Press (1961), 303 pages
Description
A great contemporary German philosopher attacks the explosive problem of political myth in our day, and reveals how the myth of the state evolved from primitive times to prepare the way for the rise of the modern totalitarian state. "A brilliant survey of some of the major texts in the history of political theory."--Kenneth Burke, "The Nation."
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LibraryThing member keylawk
The last work of a great contemporary German philosopher, 1874-1945. Survey of major texts in political theory--how the concept of the state developed from primitive times through Plato, Dante, Machiavelli, Gobineau, Carlyle, and Hegel. This concept is a Myth, and belief in this Myth provides the
The Myth was not new. Carlyle's theory of "hero worship", and Gobineau's thesis of the diversity of races were academic. After the First World War, the nations were faced with new extremes and drew upon the old Myths in different ways. Cassirer recognized from Malinowski's description of life among the Trobriand Islanders that the role of magic and mythology in primitive society "applies equally well to highly advanced stages of man's political life". [279]
What was new in Germany in 1933 was the discovery that Myth is not merely the result of unconscious activities, but can be fabricated. [282] The first step was the change in the function of language. Cassirer points out that he is amazed to read German books that he can no longer understand--so filled with new words and new senses almost magically charged with new meanings, feelings, and violent passions, much of which were virtually untranslatable. For example, Siegfried and Siegerfriede. Sieg means 'victory' and Friede means 'peace'. The Nazis coined a distinction. The first meaning peace through German victory, whereas the latter meant peace dictated by allied conquerors, the "opposite" of peace. Used in political propaganda, one can feel in these words "the whole gamut of human emotions--of hatred, anger, fury, haughtiness, contempt, arrogance, and disdain."[284]
New words were supplemented with new rites. The totalitarian governments proceeded thoroughly, methodically, to inundate the whole life of the Volk. The group becomes the subject. Cassirer points out that modern man has not surmounted the condition of savage life when exposed to the same forces.[286] "Freedom is not a natural inheritance of man" [288], safely secured with moral education and classic ethics. The new political parties suppress the notion of freedom, and promise relief from personal responsibility.[288]
At the end of the First World War, Oswald Spengler's Der Untergang des Abendlandes (Decline of the West), claimed that the rise and fall of civilization depended upon "destiny"--he invoked magic, culture as a mystical act. It was not a scientific or even philosophical idea of "awakening". It was a rebirth of an ancient mythic motive.[290]
In 1927 Martin Heidegger published the first volume of Sein und Zeit. Curiously for a student of Husserl, Heidegger rejects the science and principles of logical thought, and does not admit something like "truth" in a realm of ideas. Man is Geworfenheit, or "being thrown" in the stream of time. Fatalism. He has no active share in culture, and becomes pliable in the hands of those who have seized power.[293]
Natural sciences were still fresh and unreliable. The first empirical astronomer was Kepler, whose post was as astrologer for the Imperial court of Prague and Wallenstein. Occult sciences were still predominant. How did natural science finally break the spell of magic? How were Bacon's idols--illusions--overcome? Bacon tried to show how the illusions of the tribe, species, and society can be cleared away with empirical science. [294] However, this had not happened in politics. The idola fori are the most dangerous and enduring. Since Plato, many thinkers have sought a rational theory of politics. The sudden rise of political myths in the 20th century shows that the hopes of Comtean social science with deductive and inductive methods used in physics were premature. In our political sphere, "magic still holds its ground". [295]
Cassirer paraphrases Bacon, stating that if we are to understand and rule the actual social world, we must first obey its laws.[295] Can political philosophy help in the struggle against political myths? Philosophy cannot destroy myths, which are in a sense invulnerable.[296] But it can be used to understand the adversary. And the next time, perhaps not making the mistake of under-estimating the power of myths, however absurd. Study the origin, the structure, the methods, and the technique of the political myths.
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basis for the rise of the modern totalitarian state. The Myth was not new. Carlyle's theory of "hero worship", and Gobineau's thesis of the diversity of races were academic. After the First World War, the nations were faced with new extremes and drew upon the old Myths in different ways. Cassirer recognized from Malinowski's description of life among the Trobriand Islanders that the role of magic and mythology in primitive society "applies equally well to highly advanced stages of man's political life". [279]
What was new in Germany in 1933 was the discovery that Myth is not merely the result of unconscious activities, but can be fabricated. [282] The first step was the change in the function of language. Cassirer points out that he is amazed to read German books that he can no longer understand--so filled with new words and new senses almost magically charged with new meanings, feelings, and violent passions, much of which were virtually untranslatable. For example, Siegfried and Siegerfriede. Sieg means 'victory' and Friede means 'peace'. The Nazis coined a distinction. The first meaning peace through German victory, whereas the latter meant peace dictated by allied conquerors, the "opposite" of peace. Used in political propaganda, one can feel in these words "the whole gamut of human emotions--of hatred, anger, fury, haughtiness, contempt, arrogance, and disdain."[284]
New words were supplemented with new rites. The totalitarian governments proceeded thoroughly, methodically, to inundate the whole life of the Volk. The group becomes the subject. Cassirer points out that modern man has not surmounted the condition of savage life when exposed to the same forces.[286] "Freedom is not a natural inheritance of man" [288], safely secured with moral education and classic ethics. The new political parties suppress the notion of freedom, and promise relief from personal responsibility.[288]
At the end of the First World War, Oswald Spengler's Der Untergang des Abendlandes (Decline of the West), claimed that the rise and fall of civilization depended upon "destiny"--he invoked magic, culture as a mystical act. It was not a scientific or even philosophical idea of "awakening". It was a rebirth of an ancient mythic motive.[290]
In 1927 Martin Heidegger published the first volume of Sein und Zeit. Curiously for a student of Husserl, Heidegger rejects the science and principles of logical thought, and does not admit something like "truth" in a realm of ideas. Man is Geworfenheit, or "being thrown" in the stream of time. Fatalism. He has no active share in culture, and becomes pliable in the hands of those who have seized power.[293]
Natural sciences were still fresh and unreliable. The first empirical astronomer was Kepler, whose post was as astrologer for the Imperial court of Prague and Wallenstein. Occult sciences were still predominant. How did natural science finally break the spell of magic? How were Bacon's idols--illusions--overcome? Bacon tried to show how the illusions of the tribe, species, and society can be cleared away with empirical science. [294] However, this had not happened in politics. The idola fori are the most dangerous and enduring. Since Plato, many thinkers have sought a rational theory of politics. The sudden rise of political myths in the 20th century shows that the hopes of Comtean social science with deductive and inductive methods used in physics were premature. In our political sphere, "magic still holds its ground". [295]
Cassirer paraphrases Bacon, stating that if we are to understand and rule the actual social world, we must first obey its laws.[295] Can political philosophy help in the struggle against political myths? Philosophy cannot destroy myths, which are in a sense invulnerable.[296] But it can be used to understand the adversary. And the next time, perhaps not making the mistake of under-estimating the power of myths, however absurd. Study the origin, the structure, the methods, and the technique of the political myths.
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Subjects
Language
Original language
English
Original publication date
1946
Physical description
303 p.; 5 inches
ISBN
0300000367 / 9780300000368