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Business. History. Politics. Nonfiction. HTML:From Pulitzer Prizeâ??winning author and esteemed presidential historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, an invaluable guide to the development and exercise of leadership from Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon B. Johnson, and Franklin D. Roosevelt. The inspiration for the multipart HISTORY Channel series Abraham Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt. "After five decades of magisterial output, Doris Kearns Goodwin leads the league of presidential historians" (USA TODAY). In her "inspiring" (The Christian Science Monitor) Leadership, Doris Kearns Goodwin draws upon the four presidents she has studied most closelyâ??Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Lyndon B. Johnson (in civil rights)â??to show how they recognized leadership qualities within themselves and were recognized as leaders by others. By looking back to their first entries into public life, we encounter them at a time when their paths were filled with confusion, fear, and hope. Leadership tells the story of how they all collided with dramatic reversals that disrupted their lives and threatened to shatter forever their ambitions. Nonetheless, they all emerged fitted to confront the contours and dilemmas of their times. At their best, all four were guided by a sense of moral purpose. At moments of great challenge, they were able to summon their talents to enlarge the opportunities and lives of others. Does the leader make the times or do the times make the leader? "If ever our nation needed a short course on presidential leadership, it is now" (The Seattle Times). This seminal work provides an accessible and essential road map for aspiring and established leaders in every field. In today's polarized world, these stories of authentic leadership in times of apprehension and fracture take on a singular urgency. "Goodwin's volume deserves much praiseâ??it is insightful, readable, compelling: Her book arrives just in time" (The Boston… (more)
User reviews
An unusual choice to have readers assigned to particular presidents.
If my ear is right, Richard Thomas reads the chapters about Theodore Roosevelt and Beau Bridges reads the chapters about Lyndon Johnson.
Goodwin is a powerful researcher and historian. Although I have read much of Lincoln and his Civil War presidency, I still gleaned more from this book. Teddy Roosevelt meant nothing more to me than his
I enjoyed the manner in which she broke up the telling of their stories, concentrating on youth, preparation for leadership, presidential leadership, and, for T. Roosevelt and Johnson, the aftermath of the limelight. As an example, I knew that (of course) Lincoln had authored the Emancipation Declaration, but not that it was written so far in advance of the issuance thereof or how much he used his cabinet as a sounding board prior to the final draft. I knew that F. Roosevelt had been undersecretary of the Navy, but no idea that he followed in his Uncle's footprints. Johnson has been forever linked with the sour taste of the war in Vietnam, and although I knew Johnson had his "Great Society," I was unaware of that this meant more to LBJ than pure political pragmatism.
The narrators hired by Simon & Schuster brought these four men to life!
My answer to both questions (with one caveat) is âYes!â
Goodwin organizes her book around four presidents and their leadership during four crises: Abraham Lincoln and the Emancipation Proclamation, Theodore Roosevelt and the coal strike, Franklin Roosevelt and his first one hundred days during the Great Depression, and Lyndon Johnson and the Civil Rights Act in the aftermath of John F. Kennedyâs assassination. She takes each man in turn and explores three themes. Part I deals with their early days and how they recognized their own ambitions. Part II shows how they overcame significant early obstacles: crippling personal losses, physical and mental setbacks, and political defeats. Part III details how they met the challenges of their presidencies with specific leadership strategies based on their own gifts, personalities, and experiences.
Because I have considerable knowledge of Lincoln and the two Roosevelts, their sections in Parts I and II, felt like visiting old friends. Goodwin reminded me of much that I already knew and admired about these three men. Reading their stories was like eating comfort foodâfamiliar with a touch of nostalgia. The outlier is Johnson. I lived through the Kennedy/Johnson era, so this time period doesnât feel like âhistoryâ to me. I was on a campus torn apart by the Vietnam war and mourned the loss of student lives in clashes with state troopers. My feelings toward Johnson and his leadership during this periodâeven fifty years laterâwas mixed, to say the least. I knew a few details of Johnsonâs early life and trials and had a vague notion of his contribution to the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts, but most of what Goodwin told me was new and interesting. It made me want to pick up her biography Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream: The Most Revealing Portrait of a President and Presidential Power Ever Written. Mission accomplished.
In Part III of Leadership in Turbulent Times, Goodwin delves into the titular problems these four men met and overcame during their presidencies. She analyzes each manâs actions in meeting an external crisis step by step and labels each: Lincolnâs transformational leadership, Teddy Rooseveltâs crisis management, Franklin Rooseveltâs turnaround leadership, and Johnsonâs visionary leadership. Here Goodwin falters just a bit. If she didnât consciously realize it, she unconsciously acknowledged it. Teddyâs section is titled âcrisis managementâ rather than âcrisis leadership.â
The example of the coal mine strike she uses, although foundational to Teddyâs progressive agenda, did not rise to the level of exceptional leadership. He went on to accomplish much more significant change. In the coal crisis, Teddy displayed mastery of the kind of communication and management skills we hope all presidents (and marriage counselors) would bring to their positions. He brought two seemingly irreconcilable groups (labor and management) together to make the country better for ordinary people. He did a good job, but Lincoln and FDR faced greater obstacles with far more serious consequences in the case of failure.
Likewise Johnsonâs challengeâon the surfaceâdidnât seem to rise to the level of âvisionary leadership.â However, Goodwin changed my mind. She laid the foundation for Johnsonâs personal transformation to civil rights champion in the earlier sections. Although she worked in the Johnson administration and helped him write his memoirs, Goodwin is honest about Johnsonâs abject failure in prosecuting the Vietnam War. She chose to write about his early successes in domestic matters.
And what prodigious successes they were! It was fascinating to see how masterfully Johnson planned and executed his vision. He managed, in painstaking detail, his major legislative accomplishments in the wake of tragedy and the face of obdurate racist opposition in his own party. He skillfully used every parliamentary trick and personal tool in his box to influence, cajole, out maneuver, and sometimes bribe reluctant law makers. His accomplishments in passing the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Actsâin concert with the sacrifices of the wide-spread, grass-roots, civil rights movements of the 1960âsâsignificantly and enduringly changed society for the better.
Goodwin wraps up her book with a short epilogue titled âOf Death and Remembranceâ where she brings each manâs life to a close, exploring their thoughts on their enduring legacies. She says:
âWhile their personal stories came to very different ends, they were all looking beyond their own lives, hopeful that their achievements had shaped and enlarged the future. The fame they craved, the recognition they sought, bears little resemblance to todayâs cult of celebrity. For these leaders, the final measure of their achievements would be realized by their admittance to an enduring place of communal memory.â
I thoroughly enjoyed this book, both for its history and leadership lessons. I recommend it for both.
Note: I originally published this review on my website where there is additional information, including a video interview with the author.
Goodwin writes of Abraham Lincolnâs early foray into politics, âLincoln revealed early on a quality that would characterize his leadership for the rest of his life â a willingness to acknowledge errors and learn from his mistakes. The pact Lincoln offered the people â the promise of unremitting labor in return for their support â was for him a covenant⌠From the start, the destiny he sought was no simple craving for individual fame and distinction; his ambitions were, first and always, linked with the peopleâ (pg. 12). Even in defeat, Goodwin demonstrates how Lincoln set an example for leadership, writing, âLincoln voiced a sentiment that would become a refrain in his troubled passage to middle age: âHow hard â Oh how hard it is to die and leave oneâs country no better than if one had never livedââ (pg. 105). Further describing setbacks, Goodwin writes, âThere are points of likeness in the seminal disasters that befell both Abraham Lincoln and Theodore Roosevelt in the early stages of their careers. Both crucibles were precipitated by a combination of intimate, personal crises and public repudiation that seemed to crush their core ambitions. Both swore off politics or at least paid lip service to deserting politics forever. Both suffered severe depressions. Healing change had to come from within while they waited for the historical kaleidoscope to turnâ (pg. 130). Discussing the onset of FDRâs polio, Goodwin writes, âFranklin Rooseveltâs ordeal provides the most clear-cut paradigm of how a devastating crucible experience can, against all expectation and logic, lead to significant growth, intensified ambition, and enlarged gifts for leadershipâ (pg. 162). She writes of FDRâs leadership and frankness during the First 100 Days, âIf ever an argument can be made for the conclusive importance of the character and intelligence of the leader in fraught times, at home and abroad, it will come to rest on the broad shoulders of Franklin Delano Rooseveltâ (pg. 305). Goodwin credits âJohnsonâs gargantuan ambition, driving temperament, and unique legislative experienceâ for his early Presidential successes (pg. 327). She does, however, discuss the paradox of his success at domestic policy and failings in foreign policy, specifically his handling of Vietnam. Writes Goodwin, âFrom the first day of his presidency, when engaging domestic affairs and civil rights, Johnson had a concrete vision of the goals he wanted to achieve and a clear strategy for how to rouse Congress and the people to attain those goals. By contrast, when he drew his countrymen into a ground war in Vietnam he was motivated less by a set of positive goals than by a powerful sense of what he wanted to avoid â failure, loss, and a humiliating defeat for himself and his countryâ (pg. 338-339).
Like much of Goodwinâs work, Leadership in Turbulent Times is primarily a synthesis of scholarship on the four presidents and theories of leadership, relying largely on the âgreat men doing great thingsâ formula of writing history. That said, the work itself is highly readable with insights that both academics and non-academics may find useful, especially in applying the lessons Goodwin extracts from her subjectsâ lives. Goodwin discusses Lincolnâs philosophy, writing, âHe considered history, an understanding of how we came to be, the best vehicle for understanding who we are and where we are goingâ (pg. 368). Such a philosophy guides Goodwinâs focus in this work. This Easton Press edition is gorgeously leather-bound with gilt page edges and signed by the author. It makes a lovely gift for recent college or university graduates studying history.
Most educated American adults know something of these leadersâ presidential history. What Goodwin does most effectively is to correlate their behavior in office to their individual histories before taking office. Further, she charts how their times after office and their deaths reflected the style of leadership they displayed during their respective seminal crises. As such, she does not merely focus on how each dealt with the crisis at hand; rather, she extends it towards a study of individual character â and the reflected character of the American people.
Written during the era of Trump (in which the nature American leadership seems to be questioned), this book displays a historical critique of this new style of âleadership.â By tying her analysis to leaders of change in American history, she seems to tacitly argue that this new style is neither progressive nor definitively American. Each of these presidents were progressive in their time, yet the changes they wrought have become central to subsequent American self-understanding. (Johnsonâs principal change, in Goodwinâs telling, is limited to the Civil Rights Acts and does not extend to the Great Society, which had mixed results.) Turbulence marks the current era. What kind of leadership will emerge? Goodwin argues that a knowledge of history ought to inform our response.
This book has broad appeal, particularly among Americans and particularly among societal leaders. It entertains. It educates. It ties contemporary discussions to historical events. It discusses themes which most Americans deal with in their everyday lives. How do we choose to conduct our lives? How can we treat our neighbors with dignity? How should we proceed with self-government? Citizens of democracies all face these common problems. Goodwinâs individual biographies of these leaders have won critical accolades like the Pulitzer Prize. This work summarizes this erudition in an acceptable and interesting series of case studies. Almost any reader can learn how to navigate the future better through this map of well-told history.