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A modern-day civil rights champion tells the stirring story of how he helped start a movement to bridge America's racial divide. Over the summer of 2013, the Reverend Dr. William J. Barber II led more than a hundred thousand people at rallies across North Carolina to protest restrictions to voting access and an extreme makeover of state government. These protests--the largest state government-focused civil disobedience campaign in American history--came to be known as Moral Mondays and have since blossomed in states as diverse as Florida, Tennessee, Wisconsin, Ohio, and New York. At a time when divide-and-conquer politics are exacerbating racial strife and economic inequality, Rev. Barber offers an impassioned, historically grounded argument that Moral Mondays are hard evidence of an embryonic Third Reconstruction in America. The first Reconstruction briefly flourished after Emancipation, and the second Reconstruction ushered in meaningful progress in the civil rights era. But both were met by ferocious reactionary measures that severely curtailed, and in many cases rolled back, racial and economic progress. This Third Reconstruction is a profoundly moral awakening of justice-loving people united in a fusion coalition powerful enough to reclaim the possibility of democracy--even in the face of corporate-financed extremism. In this memoir of how Rev. Barber and allies as diverse as progressive Christians, union members, and immigration-rights activists came together to build a coalition, he offers a trenchant analysis of race-based inequality and a hopeful message for a nation grappling with persistent racial and economic injustice. Rev. Barber writes movingly--and pragmatically--about how he laid the groundwork for a state-by-state movement that unites black, white, and brown, rich and poor, employed and unemployed, gay and straight, documented and undocumented, religious and secular. Only such a diverse fusion movement, Rev. Barber argues, can heal our nation's wounds and produce public policy that is morally defensible, constitutionally consistent, and economically sane. The Third Reconstruction is both a blueprint for movement building and an inspiring call to action from the twenty-first century's most effective grassroots organizer.… (more)
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This seemingly simple formula took years of meetings all across NC and the Rev Barber, who also suffered from paralysis for twelve years, makes note of the difficulty of replicating Moral Mondays across the country. His state had the great misfortune of being taken over by ALEC and by the Tea Party, and yet the movement was able to chalk up major successes due to the strong coalitions that had been formed. He provides advice here but yet reminds us that all politics are local. A modern day "Reveille For Radicals", the Rev Barber is a Saul Alinsky for our times. And this guide includes not only suggestions for action, but provides valuable insight into the political and spiritual growth of a remarkable man.
"Power concedes nothing without a demand" - Frederick Douglass
The book is easy to read and very well written. It's not a screed at all. It encourages people to wake up and realize what is going on around them.
William Barber is the North Carolina man who has brought together Moral Mondays, a large and
Part of Barber’s appeal is simply his own charismatic voice, a voice which resonates on every page of his book. Beyond that voice, however, Barber offers a much needed model for achieving unity while honoring diversity. Basically he listens deeply and honestly to others who do not share his beliefs or world view. While true to his own absolute religious stance, he does not assume, explicitly or implicitly, that he and his view must be accepted. Instead he focuses on existing issues on which there is agreement. As he points out, even when we work for various causes, we often face the same obstacles. In building his North Carolina movement, he brought together leaders of different progressive movements to develop a list of priorities that all could accept. Once the list was created, those present committed themselves to nonviolent efforts to address the problems. He and his allies developed a pattern for protesting their state legislature’s repressive actions against the neediest. At one level, Barber’s methods are not radical, but his willingness to listen and honor others is profoundly different from the way most of us usually work. He offers a possible way out of the dead end of working only with others like ourselves.
Barber calls his work “fusion politics” which establishes supportive relationships for the long haul. He recounts the ways in which blacks and whites were able to establish such alliances briefly after the Civil War. His vision also reflects the dream of a “beloved community” of the Civil Rights movement. In honoring these past moments, he calls his book and his project, the “Third Reconstruction.”
I strongly urge others to read and think about this book. I especially believe that it is an important book for those of us who are basically "good, white liberals" with secular leanings. Too often we say we support diversity, but we assume and listen primarily to our own insular voices. We think that being tolerant means never judging those who cause harm. Barber offer a prophetic alternative to stand up to evil words and actions while listening more clearly to those who might stand with us if we are humble enough to listen to them. Reading Barber I realized how we need to go back to taking the moral ground from those who advocate lies and hatred.
Sadly, the very words “moral movement” might keep some folks who ought to read this book away. Ever since Jerry Falwell and his colleagues on the religious right claimed the title of the “Moral Majority,” “moral” has too often been used to typify a socially conservative, anti-gay, pro-capitalist viewpoint that has little appeal to people seeking broader inclusion, economic fairness, and legal justice in our nation. The Moral Movement that Dr. Barber and his associates are developing seeks to reclaim a moral language that returns “public discourse to our deepest moral and constitutional values.”
I got the book just before the Presidential election in November, and expected that it would be an interesting history about a progressive movement in a part of the country that unfortunately seemed rather regressive. (Disclosure: I am a California-based, liberal clergyperson formed in the tradition of faith-based work for justice and peace.) I finished reading it in a country that felt different, one where the forces of what Barber calls “the extremists” won the election and are quickly laying out their agenda for the country as a whole.
Reading the book helped me to understand more deeply why the North Carolina lawmakers seemed to be so out of control, and how their actions are perhaps a warning of things to come. Barber (and his co-author Jonathan Wilson-Hartgrove) describe how the extreme positions taken by the legislature and state leaders are in to a great extent a reaction to what Barber calls the “Third Reconstruction.”
To understand what this third reconstruction might be, we need to study the first and second. The first brought about the abolition of slavery and the reshaping of civic life after the Civil War; the second was what we generally call the civil rights movement. Both movements were what Barber calls “fusion” movements, bringing people of diverse backgrounds, race, and experience together to fight for shared values and the common good. Both movements were also met by serious and often violent opposition, a backlash that took form not only in direct attacks on individuals and groups, but in manipulation of laws and public institutions to roll back what had been gained. The opponents “attacked voting rights. Then they attacked public education, labor, fair tax policies, and progressive leaders. Then they took over the state and federal courts, so they could be used to render rulings that would undermine the hope of a new America” (p. 117). What has been happening in North Carolina, and now seems poised to happen nationwide, is the newest manifestation of this historical backlash.
It might be harder to see now how the Moral Movement is overcoming division and fear, and a skeptic might say that our current situation disproves the validity of Barber’s approach. But Rev. Barber is no simplistic Pollyanna. He knows well the powerful reaction that rises to oppose movements that seek to support “voting rights, public education, fair tax structures, labor rights, women, immigrants, and minorities” (p. 120). The book is not only a celebration of what a movement has already accomplished, it is a warning that we as a nation have not yet achieved equality and justice. It offers a handbook for organizing (an Appendix for Organizers lines out 14 principles for developing a fusion movement).
Political activists may find Rev. Barber’s approach too “churchy;” church people may be uncomfortable with his direct political analysis and call to action. In his fusion of these two dimensions of his own personality and experience, Barber offers an inspiring history and a path forward for developing stronger and more inclusive partnerships dedicated to the good of all. Anyone concerned about social justice and community organizing should read this book.
This is a very broad but very short book, and there are a number of points where I would be interested in more depth, from the Reconstruction history of North Carolina to the theological views of Niebuhr and Hauerwas on Christian social action. That said, it's largely convincing, a fast and engaging read. It's probably most successful at forcing the questions "why not here? why not me?'
The end of the book has a nice 14 step list of ways organizers can begin to grow a movment within their own
Previous reviewers mention the book is like a sermon. It is and the personal views of the Revenend.
Received in January 2016 as part of Early Reviewer giveaway from December 2015. Read not long after that, forgot to post until now.