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Biography & Autobiography. History. Nonfiction. HTML:James Madison led one of the most influential and prolific lives in American history, and his story�??although all too often overshadowed by his more celebrated contemporaries�??is integral to that of the nation. Madison helped to shape our country as perhaps no other Founder: collaborating on the Federalist Papers and the Bill of Rights, resisting government overreach by assembling one of the nation�??s first political parties (the Republicans, who became today�??s Democrats), and taking to the battlefield during the War of 1812, becoming the last president to lead troops in combat. In this penetrating biography, eminent historian Richard Brookhiser presents a vivid portrait of the �??Father of the Constitution,�?� an accomplished yet humble statesman who nourished Americans�?? fledgling liberty and vigorously defended the laws that have preserved… (more)
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Learning about James Madison proves politics as usual were little different from our "modern day" politics. The press continue to be organs for parties, politicians change their philosophies over time, and moderates are really inconsequential in the battle between left and right powerbrokers.
Richard Brookhiser's book is an abashed examination of James Madison's life. Given the resurgence of Revolutionary studies and interest from the general public, it would be easy to draft a book which only promotes Madison as an impeccable legislative mind. Brookhiser, instead, writes an honest evaluation of Madison's public career.
Despite his fame as being the Father of the Constitution, Madison's political prowess was enhanced by the collaboration of Thomas Jefferson. The precursor to the Democrat party became a political dynasty capable of rendering extinct the Federalist party.
Using anonymous essays in newspapers and pamphlets to shape political opinions, Madison and others were able to avoid responsibility for envelope pushing thought. Conveniently, decades later, Madison would take credit or cite himself as politically expedient. Another favorable aspect of anonymously writing is, Madison (like many others), contradicted himself over time, but his contemporaries would never know.
Patronage has been a tool since George Washington's first term; I don't think most politicians would have careers without the system of payback, including Mr Madison.
I am glad Richard Brookhiser continues the recent trend of honest reflection upon those we could find no fault in. Even those we consider as most virtuous and guileless were partisan, conniving and self-serving; in other words: just plain human.
Brookhiser's understanding of Madison draws a pointed distinction between him and his close friend and colleague Jefferson. The latter comes off as the philosopher and poet of the founding, whereas Madison is the consummate skilled politician. His skills are most obviously at work in those situations where prudence is called for not just in a the realm of decision making but also in circumstances where he finds it necessary to correct Jefferson when he threatens to go over the top. Probably the best practical illustration of this is the difference in the argument and rhetoric employed by Madison in his drafting of the Virginia Resolution in response to the passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts in comparison with the more radical and incendiary Kentucky resolution authored by Jefferson. Another illustration of their complementary roles would be a comparison of Jefferson, the political philosopher and rhetorician's most famous work, the Declaration of Independence, with Madison's most enduring legacy - the note taker at the Constitutional Convention - and the political analyst of the Federalist Papers.
It might be that per Brookhiser Madison's real legacy to the country is the system of party politics that originates in his tenure as the first Speaker of House and the combat with Hamilton over his program to establish the nation's credit via a national bank and assumption of the outstanding Revolutionary war debts of the states, including repayment of of notes at face value regardless of whether or not the holder was a veteran or speculator. The Republican Party, which evolved over time to become the present day Democratic Party, was a comparatively well oiled machine that consigned their opponents to the history books in basically a generation, though it must be admitted that Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe received plenty of help from the overreaching folly of the Federalists.
Madison the politician proved adept at shifting positions as the occasion required. The nationalist of the Convention and the Federalist shifted into a strict constructionist and states' rights advocate during the administrations of Washington and Adams, and shifted back again during his own administration and that of Jefferson. The interposition by a state to nullify an act of the federal government it considered unconstitutional was claimed by opponents of the Embargo Act, the War of 1812 and the Tariff of 1828. When John C. Calhoun justified his opposition to the 1828 act on constitutional grounds citing Federalist 51 and the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions, the long retired Madison authored a letter that was published in the North American Review. He argued that the doctrine of interposition called for a group on states (not just South Carolina) to co-operate in necessary and proper measures, i.e., via committing politics not secession or revolution. Whatever the credibility of Madison's attempts to thread the needle, Brookhiser credits Madison's letter with defusing the force behind Calhoun's claims on behalf of nullification. Chief Justice Marshall, the last of the Federalists, commented that "Madison is himself again."
As always, Brookhiser is a pleasure to read, informative, entertaining, and opinionated with a light touch.